在过去半个世纪中，挟持了新闻界、教育界以及科技界等领域精英人士的雅各宾主义咄咄逼人，几乎是无坚不摧，而对抗这种力量的保守主义则显得力不从心，几乎是节节败退。

正是在这种背景下，特朗普和特朗普主义应运而生，扛起抵御雅各宾主义进攻的大旗。尽管特朗普和特朗普主义未必能击溃雅各宾主义，但至少有助于保守主义者重新集结力量，并思考如何最终战胜雅各宾主义，挽救西方文明。

那曾经是柏克的夙愿，他曾经凭借一己之力在一定程度上遏制了雅各宾主义对英国的侵蚀，暂时保守住了英国的传统和自由，如今，这个任务落在了所有柏克的追随者身上。

即使特朗普只是个"一届总统"，他对美国政治和社会的影响已经超出了很多人的想象。他在短短四年内大刀阔斧般地进行革新，从减税和减少管制，到建墙和限制移民，再到任命三位大法官，以及重塑对外贸易、推动中东和平等，不仅履行了自己的竞选承诺，而且让美国恢复了活力和繁荣。

他的政治遗产就是"特朗普主义"，其基本内涵表现为反对行政国家，捍卫自治传统；反对大政府，捍卫有限政府；反对经济管制，捍卫资本主义；反对世界主义，捍卫国家认同；反对多元文化主义，捍卫犹太-基督教传统。

在很大程度上讲，特朗普主义意在回归柏克开创的（古典）保守主义，是对当代美国新保守主义的矫正，有助于美国保守主义运动的再次复兴。

美国当下的社会政治状况让很多人联想到罗马共和国，尤其是它开始衰败并走向帝国的时候。在几乎所有的史书中，那是一个世风日下的时代，那是一个民众堕落的时代，那是一个独裁者横空出世的时代。

无论这个联想是否有道理，无论美国的现状能否跟罗马共和国末期相提并论，马基雅维利曾敏锐地发现，只要罗马共和国的公民还没有腐化堕落，他们通常就还能选出有德行的统治者―能力出众且兢兢业业服务于共和国；一旦罗马的公民变得腐化堕落了，他们就开始选择那些能够讨好他们而非保障共和国安全的人；当罗马的公民变得更加腐化堕落的时候，他们就不再选那些讨好他们的人而是选那些权力令其恐惧的人了。55

在很大程度上讲，这个看法与1831年访问美国的托克维尔不谋而合。在托克维尔看来，与美国的自然条件和法律制度相比，美国的民情、美国人的心智习惯（habits of heart and mind）才是决定美国民主的最重要因素，它决定了美国是一个自由且自治的社会。

一旦美国的民情发生了变化，其共和国的根基便会动摇，再优良的宪法和法律制度也无法有效地发挥作用。

也就是说，在最终意义上讲，美国的民情―美国人的宗教信仰、道德观念、思维方式等，决定着美利坚合众国的未来，决定着美国国父们缔造的自由共和国还能否存续下去。

这一点儿，没有人比托克维尔认识得更加深刻－更加清楚了。其天才般的洞见和智慧迄今值得每一个热爱自由的人细细品味和认真思考。

本文删节版曾以"特朗普主义助推古典保守主义回归"为题发表于《探索与争鸣》2021年第2期【总第376期】。

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[17]Holloway, Carson.2018."Aristotle's Account of Factional Conflictand the Rise of Donald Trump,"in Trump and Political Philosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue. Eds. Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. Pp.30-31.

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[22]Tate, Kristin."Why Trumpism Is Here toStay,"at:https://thehill.com/opinion/white-house/526166-why-trumpism-is-here-to-stay.2021年1月2日访问。

[23]Yarbrough, Jean M.2018."Tocqueville's Great Party Politicsandthe Election of Donald Trump,"in Trump and PoliticalPhilosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue. Eds.Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. P.239.

[24]Yarbrough, Jean M.2018."Tocqueville's Great Party Politicsandthe Election of Donald Trump,"in Trump and PoliticalPhilosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue. Eds.Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. P.240.

[25]Holloway, Carson.2018."Aristotle's Account of FactionalConflictand the Rise of Donald Trump,"in Trump and PoliticalPhilosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue.Eds.Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. P.36.

[26]Kries, Douglas.2018."Thomism and Trumism," in Trump andPolitical Philosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism, and Civic Virtue.Eds.Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. P.62.

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[28]Holloway, Carson.2018."Aristotle's Account of FactionalConflictand the Rise of Donald Trump,"in Trump and PoliticalPhilosophy: Patriotism, Cosmopolitanism,and Civic Virtue. Eds.Marc Benjamin Sable and Angel Jaramillo Torres.New York:Palgrave Macmillan. P.29.

[29]Hazony, Yoram.2018.The Virtue of Nationalism.New York:Basic Books.

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[31]O'Sullivan, John.2017."Notes towards the RedefinitionofaNation,"NationalReview.February9,2017.at:https://www.nationalreview.com/2017/02/american-history-narratives-politics/.

[32]"新保守主义"是二战后美国兴起的一种政治哲学和社会思潮，其代表人物包括克里斯托（Irving Kristol）、贝尔（Daniel Bell）等人，布什父子分别担任总统时的政策——尤其是外交政策——被认为深受新保守主义的影响。对于"新保守主义"的基本主张，见：Irving Kristol.2011. The Neoconservative Persuasion: Selected Essays,1942-2009. New York: Basic Books. Pp.148-150。对于新保守主义的政治遗产，见：Clarke, Jonathan and Stefan Halper.2004.AmericaAlone: The Neo-Conservatives and the Global Order. NewYork:Cambridge University Press. Fukuyama, Francis.2006.America atthe Crossroads: Democracy, Power, and theNeoconservativeLegacy. New Haven: Yale University Press.

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[36]Peter J. Katzenstein."Trumpism is US,"March20,2019.At:https://www.wzb.eu/en/news/trumpism-is-us.2021年1月5日访问。作者认为，特朗普主义是建立在三个支柱基础之上的：（1）族群民族主义（ethnonationalism）；（2）宗教；（3）种族。

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——新世纪20240721转发